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Security Policy and Regional Integration: ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC

Introduction

During the War Cold, Latin America, South Africa and even the dynamics of Southeast Asia hardly figured in international politics. Studies on War politics Cold and the struggle for security in other parts of the world, particularly in the industrialized West are mostly overlooked the Third World and search security. Even after the Cold War, Third World security predicament remain a cause for the existence of a very complex balance of power that often in precarious balance. The current phase of globalization, such as Kenichi Ohmae (1990, 1993, 1996) says, has become a "borderless world" where economic forces and free trade have become the main topic of international relations. In this situation, the Third World countries often have to perform acts of difficult balance. This article is therefore an attempt to look at this very difficult security situation in the Third World in three levels of analysis – international system, regional and state levels. This analysis is conducted through three major regional organizations in the Third World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. This is an attempt to reveal how security policy and regional integration are interlinked and intertwined in the Third World. In the process, which will contribute to our understanding of how these regional organizations to cope and deal with security issues with the current phase of globalization.

What is security?

Security in international politics is a moot point, and remains so to date. For a very long time, traditional thinking has been that "the State is and must be safety, with emphasis on military and political security "(Buzan et al 1998:37). This notion of security has prevailed since the Peace of Westphalia of 1648 that created the concept of nation-state. This vision became more important during the twentieth century with two world wars and the Cold War meant that lasted for nearly five decades. After the end of the Cold War, the area of security in the academic study has been amended many "stretchers" who argued that it needed to encompass a wider range of threats and go beyond the traditional emphasis on military aspects of security for the state. These changes in perception have created debates among those still subscribing to the traditional thinking and that he wanted to "expand" the definition of security to include other non-military threats as well. [1]

Security in the Third World

Since 1945, many of the major threats to national security have become internal rather than external, a change that has profound implications for international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, security among States in the Third World "has become increasingly dependent on security within those states." For Third World states, security is not simply to the external dimension of the military threat, but the entire range of the existence of the state, including internal security and nation building, security systems, food, health, economy, trade and environment (Thomas, 1987). States Third World, like all states are concerned about their own safety, internal and external. But because they are mostly poor, underdeveloped and Postcolonial States Third World inherited colonial economies, political structures and perceptions of safety. Some are pre-modern and weak, characterized by low levels of socio-political cohesion and poorly developed structures of government. The values of these states, therefore such as. For the authoritarian governments of the Third World security also means the struggle against internal subversion and maintaining internal order at any price.

The next three sections will deal security policy and regional integration in the Third World, primarily through the different dimensions of security in three levels of analysis – conceptual international, regional and state levels. Where appropriate, the security dimensions include the military, political, economic, sectors of society and the environment. [2] In addition to these dimensions, security concerns are on the external and internal dimensions. As mentioned earlier, this analysis will seek ways in which the three regional organizations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC dealing with security issues.

The International System

The Cold War Period

The Cold War politics had dominated the functioning of the system international for a large part of the second half of the twentieth century. Interestingly, while the Third World states were not important in the global balance of power and almost not on the security agendas of Western policy-makers, the current bipolar system and the concern of Western powers with the expansion of Communism and Containment exacerbated conflicts in the Third World. While conflicts in central and strategic areas of Europe and North America were avoided, the War Cold proved to be a hot and States in the Third World where the superpowers played the game of international politics. The Vietnam War was the lowest clear and example.

The intensity of the Vietnam War and the increasing participation of the Soviet Union and the growing threat to regional security, ASEAN led to adopt a policy of nonalignment. The Vietnam War continued relations of members of tension and threaten regional security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam worsened the situation. In 1976, ASEAN is obligated to consider the possibility of a partnership with security as their top concern. Thus, in February 1976 summit meeting in Bali, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord was signed. They agreed on "The right of every State to lead its national existence free from external interference, no interference, subversion or coercion; in the internal affairs of one another, the arrangement of differences or disputes by peaceful means and renounces the threat or use of force "(ASEAN 1976). Reunification of Vietnam, the growing problems of internal security and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to another dilemma for the safety of ASEAN during the 1970s. Negotiations continued during the time that the importance of ASEAN as a regional organization to resolve conflicts and maintain security was widely recognized. Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the Vietnam War was concluded by the Paris Peace Agreement of 1991.

Meanwhile, the security problem in southern Africa during the Cold War was exacerbated by the presence of South African apartheid regime also adopted a strong anti-left political harshly against any socialist orientation. Angola and Mozambique, having chosen this path, were particularly targeted. During the 1950s and more in the 1960s, South African Defense Force (SADF) developed a national security doctrine (Strategy Total) means emphasizing psychological, social and economic to target your enemies, as well as military means. The South African government established a framework for the implementation of policies that cut completely in all sectors of public life, called the National System of Safety Management. Louis Nel, South Africa then Deputy Foreign Minister, said that in November 1982 "The Kremlin has actively supported South Africa's Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements in their quest for power in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The Kremlin is currently supported SWAPO, ANC of South Africa and the South African Communist Party operating against the SWA / Namibia and South Africa respectively " (Quoted in Hanlon, 1986: 8). Using words as he had two advantages – the policy of apartheid can be seen as communist-inspired and demanded Western support as a bulwark against communist attack (Hanlon, 1986: 8).

The U.S., being a great power, recognizes the Latin America as within its sphere of influence. Starting mostly with the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 when the U.S. James Monroe, president warned European powers to prevent the entry of the Americas, the U.S., in effect, reserves the right to influence and interfere in Latin America. This has been a factor in U.S. policy, as well as many countries Latin America for a long time. The Cold War also reduced Latin American countries (LAC) of the possibility of relations with other regions. As a result, many countries in the region decreased its dependence on the superpowers. It was the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), who shaped much of of regionalism in South America. This can be seen as an indirect opposition to superpower hegemony. Unlike Europe, this part of the world has been relatively quiet until the 1960s when the Cold War became hot in the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. While a number of interstate wars erupted after of the 1960s, the real security problem for Latin America was the Cold War, the countries of the region gradually becoming an area of American influence. Since the 1960s, the United States increasingly intervened militarily in its own backyard and installed puppet governments.

The Cold War also introduced a dangerous arms race and nuclear weapons. Given this threat, in 1971, a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (Zopf) Statement was signed by the member states of ASEAN. This statement can be seen as a reaction to emerging multipolarity of the region with the USSR, USA, China and Japan, the main forces that influence events in Southeast Asia. Also, through the Declaration of Foz do Iguacu November 1985, Brazil and Argentina declared that its nuclear programs for peaceful purposes only. Such action by the Third World states can be considered his desire to stay out of politics Cold War interference and aggression of the superpowers that destabilize regions of the Third World.

Cold War Period

The decline of the Soviet Union and the change in the bipolar world had more immediate effects for the Third World. He witnessed the U.S. emergence as the sole superpower that has become even more powerful over time.

Politically, the end of the Cold War gave lead to the elimination of support for many third world states and movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has discredited the alternative model and ideology represented by the Soviet Union. This in turn affected many movements and supported by many Third World States, including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and the SADC. Economically, it has also led to changes in the direction of trade and business. The military dimension also produces the same result of the reorientation the arms trade, transfers and transactions. The post-Cold War world, illustrated by the influence of large U.S. power, their participation in the problems of the Third World and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan, etc), and the complex web of international relations and continue to have an impact on Third World security and its processes regional integration. For Third World countries, security concerns have become more heterogeneous after the Cold War, and which has become in order to pull more complex and pressures.

Post-9/11 Period

The world entered a new period of insecurity and threats since September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States and the events that followed. Shortly thereafter, the United States launched a movement and led a coalition to remove the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The attacks also led to the introduction of the "fight against terrorism "legislation in many countries including the United Kingdom, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This has led to an end the transitional phase following the end of the Cold War (Wenger, and Zimmerman, 2003: 1).

During long time, states and regional organizations have been ignored and not consider terrorism a priority. While this is true for most states, is particularly more in Third World countries where poverty, disease, internal conflicts and hunger had been seen as the immediate problems to be addressed. But this threat has been increasingly a problem for all states mostly from the attacks in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Casablanca in 1999, the Bali bombings, attacks in the United Britain, Egypt, Yemen, Argentina in 1992 and 1994 and other threats and attacks all over the world. Terrorism can not be treated as a Western preoccupation. It has become in an international security issue in regional organization must provide a coherent response to the process of integration and inter-and intra-regional trade will not be hampered by these threats.

Regional Level

When ASEAN was formed, despite its policy of nonalignment, some members had yet alignments with U.S. official and Britain. The fact is that members are solely responsible for their own safety. Thus, much of the political and strategic alliances with other countries, took place outside the structures of ASEAN. After its establishment, ASEAN was seen by the block Communist as nothing more than a "Western-inspired military alliance directed against China and India and the states of China" (Dixon 1999: 118). It is true that during much of the Cold War and later, China has been regarded as a threat to the safety of members of ASEAN, as most ASEAN countries want to see the U.S. remain a regional power. Many of them feel that the withdrawal of U.S. will create a power vacuum that would be filled by either China or Japan. But the ASEAN relationship with China has improved considerably since the end of the Cold War. This new relationship with China is reflected in the meeting ASEAN 1997. It was held in Beijing. This new concept was because the leaders of ASEAN has begun to recognize the political and economic benefits of closer ties with China easily outweigh the military risks.

The end of the apartheid regime in South Africa, the formation of SADC and its attempt to reconcile differences between the old states of differing policies and schemes were important developments for the security in southern Africa. At the summit in Gaborone 1996 SADC heads of government and state, the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security (OPDS) was released. For the first time since the SADC was established, the region had now stable regional security architecture. Interstate Defense and Security Committee (ISDSC) that had been established in 1994, was incorporated into the newly found OPDS. In 2003, mutual defense pact was signed by members of SADC. This was a formal commitment by SADC to function as a collective defense organization. While "The international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction … as well as playing no role at all in the region "(Steinhilber 2006:11), the problem of HIV / AIDS is a major concern for all African states. This creates instability and consequently affects regional integration. The HIV / AIDS has been an important factor and the issue raised serious concerns for southern African states today. This problem is clearly reflected in the statement of Prega Ramsamy (2001: 35), former Secretary General of SADC, saying that "the [HIV / AIDS] pandemic continues to grow in our Community. Available statistics indicate that rates of infected people in the region could be as high as one in five states in some Member States. At least four States have rates above 400 per 100,000, which indicates the magnitude of the problem. "The members of SADC have committed to collectively fight the HIV / AIDS urgently (SADC 2003).

Improved relations, security agendas changed and the process of democratization in Latin America since the late 1980s and early 1990s have led to a shared perception of a new vision for Latin America. The Treaty of Asunción established the MERCOSUR in March 1991. With the admission of Bolivia and Chile, MERCOSUR expanded to represent 230 million people, ie 45 per cent of the population of Latin America. Although the southern cone countries do not face external threats, closer economic ties and open borders often cause security problems for their neighbors. As the military has taken on new tasks, the problem is whether maintaining a balance between member countries on security and management responsibilities. Argentina and Brazil also opposed the idea of institutionalization conference of defense ministers of the United States. This means explicitly that they are against a system of continental security. While explaining that countries the continent are very different, but can also involve the two most powerful states in the Southern Cone desire to exercise their influence over other members of MERCOSUR and on the functioning of regional integration agreement itself. Paraguay and Uruguay for a joint maneuver and wants an advisory body for this purpose because they fear Argentina and Brazil could use its nuclear technology for its own purposes despite the nuclear treaties. Brazil is also said that its nuclear project. Meanwhile, Chile chose to have an independent defense policy. On the economic front, the MERCOSUR countries are yet to achieve security – the devaluation the Brazilian real in 1999, and other financial crises in Argentina and the cases of Brazil, which is the point. These crises have even led the members of MERCOSUR's question its existence.

The level of State

An analysis of Third World security is at the state with huge problems due to the vast dimensions of security and differences in perceptions and conditions in these states. The security for these states always goes beyond the question common state capacity to protect its resources and borders and is the size of the food, environment, economy, elites, society, culture and the legitimacy and survival of states and regimes. In other words, the dimensions of all military, political, economic values, social and environmental are equally important to the Third World. In recent years, the problem of transnational crime, drug trafficking and terrorism are also being added to security dilemma of these states.

First, the role played by the armed forces is critical to the regimes and governments to ensure and maintain sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. The political role of the military in the Third World, coupled with weak government institutions have led the groups armed and paramilitary forces for more power and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups after coups have occurred because of the position powerful policy that the military enjoys. In Indonesia too, the longevity of control regimes depended on the military. The army has also been used to gain more power, even illegitimately. This in turn leads to the use of military force against the forces leading the opposition to the death of thousands people. This kind of military adventurism and military use is particularly widespread in Africa. For example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia decided participate in an intervention operation in the DRC to fight the rebel forces. This action occurred on the basis of the application President Laurent Kabila, who seized power by military force. In most parts of the world, the militarization of these problems and the new role that the military started playing, ironically, led to more insecurity for civilians. Roles as played by the military could put them in touch with the people civil and increase the likelihood of violations of human rights. It also could put them in direct confrontation with the people (Pion-Berlin, 2000). But as a whole, the political role that the army had played greatly reduced since the democratization process began.

In addition to secessionist movements, ethnic violence and unrest, the ASEAN states are susceptible to economic shocks and are economically unstable. The monetary security has not been reached. For example, the Thai economy underwent a severe economic crisis during the 1970s and early 1980s that led the economy to the brink of collapse. Several reforms were initiated under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank through which the Thai economy slowly recovered. The Asian crisis the end of 1990 also had severe effects on the economies of these states.

The environment, overexploitation of resources and limited concern attention to the environment has been the subject of international dispute and in which regional organizations are now more interested. Como (ECLAC 2001), stated: "The environment has played an important role in the production of resources based on commodities as well as in the food supply and other services to the population. However, an integral relationship between economic and social development and environment are not the basis for development strategies and policies in the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of the environment for trade and development has been generally accepted. However, developing countries are concerned about the proposals for environmental and labor standards in the WTO level. This was part of the reason the lack of launching a new round of trade negotiations in Seattle in 2000. Environmental issues were again on the agenda of the ministerial meeting in Doha in November 2001. "

Integration and security

From what has been said before, safety and their perception, for many Third World states remain the main source of tension for regional integration movements. During the Cold War, the international system has created a situation that led to the emergence of internal conflicts and, sometimes, war. Such adverse effects destroyed the tissue that has the countries Third World in its efforts to meet.

The nature of the ASEAN Way of noninterference, multilateral consultations can also be changed to a more useful and practical. Instead of ignoring the underlying problems and skirting the issues to be addressed directly. Of course, the sovereignty of a member must be respected, but as a regional organization is also their responsibility to effectively deal with the problems of a member in a constructive way. Linked to all The problem is that regionalism ASEAN face. Lacked the capacity and resources. These limitations are compounded by the limitations of the Charter to give high priority to principles such as sovereignty and noninterference. In this situation, the prospects for cooperation are smaller. Although ASEAN had reached be considered one of the most successful experiments in regionalism in the developing world "(Acharya 1993: 3), the ASEAN Way or informal process of ASEAN non-interference has been under severe criticism. Due to these reasons, some have commented that its "central purpose is to hide seems fundamental differences of opinion between its members under the guise of consensus and non-interference "and" ASEAN Way "does not refer to underlying tensions but simply ignored" (Jones and Smith, 2002: 103, 108).

The scenery of southern Africa is very different from that of ASEAN. For many years, the SADCC member states had faced to the weight of South Africa's total strategy "of destabilization and blackmail. From the 1990s, new hope emerged in the region. But hope and reality often go their separate ways. Therefore, by the SADC to continue as a strong regional organization, the Organ on Politics, Defense and Security and Cooperation (OPDSC) should not be allowed to function as its predecessor, The OPD. The deputies suspected of others can be removed through a series of measures for confidence building, and adopting a system of shared leadership. For OPDSC to be effective, it must adopt a security concept that takes into account military, political, social, economic and environmental. Mutual suspicion remains in South Africa which led to various perceptions of safety. Southern African states have not yet shared values and visions together as well. An optimistic outcome that can be checked in the Protocol on Politics, Defense and Security and the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) of SADC is that they seem to have abandoned the narrow view of security that prevailed during the Cold War period. Their agenda now includes the two political-military threats (war between states, internal war, large-scale human rights, war crimes against humanity, genocide, coups and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor governance and abuse of power, the dangers of instability that accompanies periods of political transition and attacks on democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food security, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants, disaster humanitarian and natural, disease, poverty and underdevelopment and environmental degradation) (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another important issue for South Africa in recent times has been the problem of HIV / AIDS. The interaction and cooperation between people, individuals, parties, leaders and government help. It now to the states to gather pace and start the process of building trust and cooperation in the military, political, social, economic and cultural.

In the 1990s, many former state conflicts in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, El Salvador, Honduras, Chile and Peru) have been settled through diplomatic channels. The policies of both approaches followed by Brazil and Argentina had also paid dividends leading to the eventual formation MERCOSUR, one of the largest economic groups in the world, eventually representing 45% of the population of Latin America. Democratic institutions in Latin America is relatively new, they are weak in their structures to pave the way for the NSA to wreak havoc (Steinhilber 2006: 7). The therefore internal problems include drug trafficking, arms trafficking, organized crime, environment, natural disasters, social deprivation, transnational crime, guerrilla organizations, dysfunction of the state and the violent counter-revolutionary activities in many cases lead to the militarization and clashes between groups. The key risk factors for Latin America after the Cold War is associated with poor governance, instability, and institutionalization weak democratic (Aravena 2004: 6). Let not the mere formation of MERCOSUR is the end. Instead of relying on mere rhetoric and ideologies, Member States must work together in a spirit of cooperation and to address these enormous problems in the head.

Overall, the regions of Southeast Asia, southern Africa and South America have peculiar type of security concerns different from the Western idea of security. For them, security involves not only be safe from threats external and a large stock or Arsenal, but it also means being safe from internal subversion. It also means the maintenance of the system and maintenance systems for food security, health, trade and development. All these problems are interrelated. These problems challenge the legitimacy of governments which in turn causes in ineffective government unable to guarantee the safety of persons. But at the same time, no single organization or the model has succeeded in establishing a strong governance of these regions to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create a new organization to address these issues is out of the question. The existing ASEAN, SADC and MERCOSUR, organizations can open the way for better relations, while simultaneously seeking ways to ensure the safety of Third World states, provided that these organizations be more proactive and sincere in their activities.

ENDNOTES

[1] To read more on this, see Ullman (1983), Hirsch and Doyle (1977), Meadows et al (1972), Ruggie (1982), Walt (1991); Mearcheimer (1990); Ayoob (1997), Peterson and Sebenius (1992), Lynn-Jones and Miller (1995) Buzan (1991a); Buzan (1991b), Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz (2002).

[2] This derives from Buzan et al (1998)

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About the Author

The author has a Ph. D. in International Politics from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
His areas of interest are Southeast Asia, Southern Africa and Latin America and writes mainly on the politics of regional integration in these areas. He also writes on issues pertaining to South Asia, particularly on India’s Northeast.

G.J. WAGNER – BUSINESS AND POLITICS – PERU / LONDON

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